With chapters on all the major theories of international relations, accompanied by contemporary examples from popular culture, film and literature, this Third Edition is the ideal introduction to the key perspectives in the field.
Oliver Daddow International Relations Theory Pdf 13
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The case material is drawn from official documents relating to international education policy from 2000 to 2018. Table 1 sets out the dimensions and contents of the corpus. Designing the corpus in such a way allows the power relations between the three levels to emerge during analysis.
Exploring how the vision was made use of involves analysing the most significant parts of the process driving the management of international education. The theory of New Public Management (NPM) emerged as a site of contestation in the process. NPM refers to a set of ideas replacing traditional bureaucracy in which the state is run according to the principles of managerialism, professionalism, and entrepreneurialism (Hood, 1991). Figure 3 illustrates the categories that discursively constructed the process. Informing these topics was a mid-range theoretical dispute between actors whose interests in the process leant towards marketisation or humanisation.
To summarise, the dominant liberal model governing international education between 2000 and 2018 was discursively constructed as a grand narrative about the purpose and intended outcomes in international education. The overall plot was mapped out as a quest in which a diverse party of actors armed with a conflicted vision for education negotiated obstacles and difficulties on a political journey, hopeful for a desirable outcome (see Fig. 5). The aspirations, mechanisms and outcomes of the liberal education model were continually in dispute throughout the narrative. They were sites of tension for institutions and individual actors whose beliefs were underpinned by (anti-)neoliberal, liberal, or humanist ideologies. These positions shaped individual narratives, decisions and subsequently their political actions. Cleavages occurred because actors clashed over the theories of capitalism (e.g., NPM) around which the themes of the narrative emerged. For instance, Katarina Tomaševski and other humanist-leaning actors fought to discredit NPM by convincing others that all parts of the process existed to serve human needs rather than markets. The manner of this conflict unfolded in the way that actors represented and prioritised elements of each theme according to their positions in a series of mid-level theoretical debates. For instance, the UK Department for International Development and the World Bank maintained NPM as the dominant theory to guide processes in education by representing value for money as a top priority. Framing this through arguments based on efficient use of tax and effective aid spending reflected a positive appreciation of the marketisation of education.
There were a number of key continuities and changes that came to light in the international discourse on education for development. Two significant aspects of continuity can be identified. First, the importance of technology as a consistent sub-plot running through the grand narrative. This may not come as a surprise given the complementary relationship between technological advancement and classical liberalism. However, the role of IT was constantly being negotiated in the vision (e.g., the relevance of traditional skills), the process (e.g., data management systems), and outcomes (e.g., marketing of online learning services in poorer countries). Second, the constant relevance of the KBE as a contextual factor in the grand narrative that manufactured consent over capitalist theories. Its multi-faceted nature placed the KBE as a central point of interdependency linking outcomes with aspirations in a symbiotic relationship (see Fig. 6). Modern skills and knowledge were assets that allowed individuals to participate and thrive in the post-industrial economy. This aspect of the KBE simultaneously supplied the skilled labour necessary to develop innovative educational products and services (mostly produced in wealthy Western countries) whilst generating demand for them.
This analysis was informed by a two-tier model of grand and middle-range theories which formed the context of the liberal narrative. The three analytical themes which addressed each of the research questions spoke to theoretical concerns over a trio of capitalist theories. Each contributed to the discursive construction of the liberal education model riven by conflicted norms and disharmony. Once the grand theoretical framework was in place and the underlying assumptions were understood, theory worked to develop sub-categories of data (Wodak and Weiss, 2005, p. 125). Operating beneath the main framework were a range of lower-level theories that served the analysis by directing the coding of topics and interpretation of binaries. Firstly, the vision theme was guided by meso-theories about education as a social or economic good. Actors who believed in education investment decisions based on economic approaches were challenged by rival beliefs in education as a social good delivering public benefits beyond higher incomes or GDP growth. In the process theme, mid-level theories about marketisation and humanisation informed the analysis. Beliefs leaning towards humanist and anti-neoliberal ideologies struggled to weaken the dominance of managerial norms driving the entrepreneurial processes of cost-cutting, monitoring, and unleashing market forces. Finally, the outcomes were directed by intermediate theories concerning the extent to which education had become a commodity and whether the progressive realisation of education as a human right had been advanced. The beliefs of those in support of the full achievement and enjoyment of the right to education were challenged by actors who valued the competitive marketplace of educational goods and services. In sum, while the interplay of the grand theories shaped the disharmony in the overall narrative, meso-theories elicited the topics and binaries which brought out power relations in the discourse. Textual analysis contributed to this through coding for argumentation to reveal the tensions which formed conflicting narratives.
By evolving and customising discursive approaches, analysts are able to advance empirical knowledge and take steps towards resolving seemingly intractable public policy dilemmas. This is particularly true of analysis that takes education issues as its object. As the case study has shown, empirical insights were gained from applying the IDA approach that destabilised the dominant liberal narrative about international education. Explaining how the liberal model was constructed as a grand narrative about the vision, process and outcomes in international education revealed aspects of continuity and change embedded in the discourse. For example, an IT sub-plot pervaded the narrative that prioritised competencies and skills to thrive in the post-industrial workforce, management through data monitoring and information systems, and commercial online learning packages. In addition, the KBE endured as a powerful discursive imaginary which legitimised consent for education as an interconnected cycle of economic assets and commodities. One element of change that emerged concerns how the management system governing international education gradually took precedence over outcomes. This discursive shift reflects the way in which public management norms were internalised in the field, allowing the dynamics of marketisation to gain dominance whilst the effects of practical policies were subtly cast aside as a secondary consideration. Another aspect of change embedded in the discourse was the gradual abating of human capital as a dominant theory driving the vision, shaped by the beliefs of actors who challenged the economising logic of neoliberal aspirations.
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In 2012, relations came under strain when Julian Assange, founder of the WikiLeaks website, entered the Ecuadorian embassy in London and sought asylum; Assange had recently lost a legal case against his extradition to Sweden on charges of sexual assault and rape, but when within the embassy he was on diplomatic territory and beyond the reach of the British police.[74] The United Kingdom Foreign and Commonwealth Office delivered a note to the Ecuadorian government in Quito reminding them of the provisions of the Diplomatic and Consular Premises Act 1987 which allow the British government to withdraw recognition of diplomatic protection from embassies; the move was interpreted as a hostile act by Ecuador, with Foreign Minister Ricardo Patiño stating that this "explicit threat" would be met with "appropriate responses in accordance with international law".[75] Assange was granted diplomatic asylum on 16 August 2012, with Foreign Minister Patiño stating that Assange's fears of political persecution were "legitimate".[76] 2ff7e9595c
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